
When Racism Literally Makes You Sick
Studies show a dramatic link between racism and health outcomes that leaves people of color hurting.
Certain statistics haunt Minneapolis pediatrician
and internal medicine hospitalist Nathan
Chomilo (M.D. ’09). “As a Black person, my
risk of dying of COVID is somewhere around
1 in 1,350,” Chomilo says. “And as a Black man, my risk of
dying at the hands of cops is 1 in 1,000 in my lifetime.”
According to a study published in the Proceedings of
the National Academy of Sciences last year, Black men do
face a 1 in 1,000 chance of dying during a police encounter
over their lifetime—a rate more than 2.5 times higher than
white men. Black alumni like Chomilo point to the death
of George Floyd in May as a real-life example of that fear.
And with a national pandemic underway, Chomilo says
being Black also makes him more likely to have an adverse
outcome should he become sick. In July, the Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) reported that
Black and Latinx Americans are three times as likely as
white Americans to contract the novel coronavirus, and
twice as likely to die from it. (In Hennepin County in Minnesota, the gulf is even larger: Black residents are over
five times more likely to contract COVID-19.)
Chomilo says those statistics illustrate a widespread
structural disenfranchisement for people of color when
it comes to health care and health outcomes. His bleak
assessment also underlines why he believes racism is truly
a threat to Black Minnesotans, as well as to the health of
other people of color.
As Minnesota’s new medical director for Medicaid, Chomilo is now expanding his quest to confront racism at the intersection of health care and public policy. He sees opportunity to advance a racial equity agenda in his new role, while prioritizing community-driven solutions to poor health outcomes. Among his goals? Helping institute antiracism training across the agency and using quality metrics to better measure “what’s driving some of our inequities.”
'Protest is absolutely necessary'
According to the Minnesota Department of Health (MDH),
people of color, American Indians, people with disabilities,
people living in poverty, and members of the LGBTQ community have “less opportunity for health and experience
worse health outcomes in Minnesota.”
Studies from the MDH, the U of M, and others also
show Black Americans experience dramatic disparities in
chronic medical conditions, maternal and infant mortality,
exposure to toxins, housing and food insecurity, unemployment, unsafe working conditions, and much more.
The MDH says that “social and economic structural
factors are major contributors to overall health,” adding
that, “It is not surprising that Minnesota has some of the
worst health disparities in the country, because it has
significant inequalities in areas such as income, education,
and home ownership.”
Health at Stake
Minnesota’s longstanding reputation for
being a healthy, vibrant place to live and
work doesn’t hold up quite so well when
statistics are broken down by race:
Black Minnesotans experience gaps in
access to housing and home ownership,
education, and employment. A recent
report from the Minnesota Department
of Health shows:
- 41 percent of U.S.-born Black
Minnesotans live below the poverty
line, compared to 8 percent of white
Minnesotans.
- While Black Minnesotans make up
just 6 percent of the state’s population, they represent 40 percent of
homeless adults in the state.
- The on-time graduation rate for
Black Minnesotans is 67.4 percent,
vs. 88.4 percent for white Minnesotans. (On-time graduation is
linked to a greater likelihood of
employment, a greater likelihood
of receiving prenatal care during
pregnancy, a lower likelihood of
smoking, and a lower likelihood of
developing diabetes.)
- An analysis by the MDH released in late June found that Black Minnesotans have the highest age-adjusted death rate among all racial and ethnic groups at 70 per 100,000 residents. (The age-adjusted rate for whites is about 20 deaths per 100,000 people.)
“When you look at the long haul and what are the
biggest risks for me, my children, and my grandchildren,
protest [against racism] is absolutely necessary,” Chomilo
says. Just days after George Floyd’s death, some 1,300
public health and infectious disease experts agreed. The
signatories to an open letter to the public published online in early June said that COVID-19 was one more reason
why the late May and early June antiracism protests
weren’t only justified, but essential.
Chomilo, who’s a cofounder of Minnesota Doctors for
Health Equity, which works to educate physicians on the
root causes of health disparities, has long been a highly
sought authority on structural racism in health care. He’s a
frequent guest on panel discussions and in media stories,
and he gives lectures and grand rounds to doctors-in-training and faculty about how “white supremacy”
throughout U.S. medical history has adversely affected
people of color, and to explain what physicians can do
personally and professionally to dismantle structural racism.
As the son of a pharmacist from Cameroon and a nurse of Norwegian descent, Chomilo says he felt “pretty sheltered” from overt racism as a mixed-race Black boy growing up in Minnesota. “Those deeper conversations didn’t really happen in my family,” he says. “For one thing, I think my dad’s experience was very different from Black Americans who grow up here.”
Chomilo traces the beginning of his “deeper awareness” of racial dynamics to medical school. In his first
year, he became involved with the U of M’s chapter of the Student National Medical Association, which supports
Black, Indigenous, and other under-represented medical
students. “We did a lot of work raising understanding of
health disparities—but that was still a step away from
understanding structural racism,” he says.
And because his parents worked in health care, “There
was always this basic trust in medicine and almost lionization of it,” he says. “To me, becoming a doctor was a way
to help the community.”
Chomilo helped write a statement earlier this year that
the presidents of nine Minnesota physician organizations
signed, asserting that systemic racism is a public health
emergency in Minnesota. “As medical professionals,
we see firsthand the effects of racism that have led to
conditions in which people of color do not have the same
opportunity as white people in Minnesota to live healthy
lives,” the statement reads. “We stand in solidarity with
all people protesting racial inequities. In doing so, we
acknowledge that the health care system we are part of
has been complicit in upholding white supremacy and
reproducing oppression.... We must do more.”
And in June, Chomilo also helped lobby the Hennepin
County Board of Commissioners to declare racism a
public health crisis in the county. The board’s resolution,
which passed 4-3, included 10 directives aimed at reducing
disparities in health care, housing, education, employment,
and incarceration.
Medical school awakening
Chomilo believes the conditions in which people are born,
live, work, and play affect their health outcomes. These
social determinants of health (or as Chomilo prefers, social
drivers of health) are different for Black, Indigenous and
other historically under-resourced communities than they
are for white communities, he says.
As an adjunct professor of medicine at the U of M, in
guest lectures and in other medical education settings
Chomilo often speaks with students and faculty about
the history of racism in medicine and how it permeates
many aspects of health care to this day.
Chomilo points to a 2016 Association of American
Medical Colleges article showing the persistence of
“race-based medicine,” which treats race as a biological
concept and frames health disparities as inherent. In
fact, Chomilo points out, this framing is without scientific
merit; race is a social construct. And it serves to reinforce
health inequities.
A 2016 research article in the Proceedings of the
National Academy of Sciences, titled “Racial Bias in Pain
Assessment and Treatment Recommendations, and False
Beliefs about Biological Differences Between Blacks and
Whites,” looked at two studies illustrating how and why
Black patients are routinely undertreated for pain. “What
they found was that not only did 50 percent of medical
students and residents endorse at least one biological
belief, but that if you endorse any biological belief about
the differences between Black and white people, you are
likely to rate Black people’s pain as less severe, and you
are less likely to give adequate treatment,” Chomilo says.
“There’s still a lot of work to do.”
To that end, Chomilo helped write and introduce a
resolution to the American Academy of Pediatrics calling for a ban on race-based medicine, which results in
worse patient care. “[S]haring a racial category [does]
not equate to shared genetic ancestry; rather race is a
marker for social risk and system oppression, and there
is value in understanding how racism results in racial
health disparities,” the resolution reads. At press time,
the resolution was still under consideration.
In clinic, the bow-tie-clad Chomilo talks openly about
race with his young patients and their caregivers. Many
of the families he sees are Black, mixed-race, Hispanic,
white, and Asian and African immigrants. He encourages
parents “not to be afraid to engage in conversations about
race, not to ‘shush’ it. That sends the message that it’s a
taboo thing—we can’t be afraid to explore it.”
Susan Maas is a freelance writer in Minneapolis and the copyeditor for Minnesota Alumni.
U of M Alumna Studies Race and Health
There’s a statistic that U of M reproductive and maternal health researcher Rachel Hardeman (M.P.H. ’11,
Ph.D. ’14) often cites for people:
“As a [Black] professional with the
highest degree I could achieve, I am
at greater risk of having an adverse
birth outcome—or of experiencing maternal mortality or morbidity—than a white woman who
hasn’t graduated from high school,”
Hardeman says. “One of the things
white people sometimes use to
explain away health disparities is,
‘it’s poverty,’” she notes. But in the
reproductive health equity field—in
which Hardeman is a leading light—
the effects of structural racism often
transcend socioeconomic status.
In July, Hardeman was awarded
an endowed professorship, funded
by the Blue Cross Foundation, in the
U of M’s School of Public Health
Health Policy and Management
Division to expand her research
exploring how racism affects health
outcomes.
“My work is pushing folks to make
the connection between structural
racism and the social determinants
of health,” she says. “The reason your
ZIP code matters for your health?
[It’s] a legacy of norms and ideologies and policies that has dictated
your ability to purchase a home in
a certain community.”
Statistics propel Hardeman’s
work, including this national one:
“Black and American Indian babies
are twice as likely to die in the first
year of life as white babies,” she
says. “Black mothers are three to
four times more likely to die during
or in the year following childbirth.”
While Hardeman’s expertise has
been nationally respected for years,
the crises of George Floyd’s murder
and COVID-19—where Black and
Latinx people are three times more
likely to be infected, and twice as
likely to die—have elevated her
profile. In June, she coauthored an
essay in the New England Journal
of Medicine, “Stolen Breaths,” that
hauntingly juxtaposes two public
health disasters, the coronavirus and
police violence against Black people.
“Please—I can’t breathe,” the piece
repeats, quoting George Floyd. The
commentary concludes with several
policy suggestions, including moving to universal single-payer health
care, desegregating the health care
workforce, and mandating and
measuring equitable outcomes.
And Hardeman’s recently been
quoted in the New York Times about
a Philadelphia study showing “Black
and Hispanic pregnant people are
five times more likely to be exposed
to COVID, because of their occupation and other social determinants,”
she says. “We know that because
of chronic and toxic stress due to
racism across the lifespan, Black
women are going to be more vulnerable to poor outcomes during
pregnancy. Now we’re dealing with
COVID on top of that.”
Hardeman recently finished a four-year project in North Minneapolis looking at police violence, stress, and reproductive health. She examined the impact of police violence on reproductive health, including preterm birth and low birth weight, and was anticipating new NIH funding for the effort as this issue of Minnesota Alumni went to press. Public health efforts continue to evolve. “So much of what I was taught as a student of public health was around behavior and lifestyle choices—‘if we could just educate these people to change’—without considering the impact of structural racism that dictates an individual’s ability to choose,” she says.